8 October 2012 10:23AM
Andrew Selth is a Research Fellow at the Griffith Asia Institute.
Burma
faces more than its fair share of complex, sensitive and potentially
divisive problems, but it is difficult to imagine one more intractable
than the future of the Rohingyas, the estimated 800,000 Muslims of South
Asian descent who are denied any formal recognition, either
by Naypyidaw or the international
community.
community.
Canberra
has always been very careful in its responses to this controversial
issue. However, through no fault of its own, the Australian government
may now become embroiled in it, and in a way that would not be helpful
to anyone. Over the past decade, the plight of the Rohingyas has
attracted increased attention,
mainly from Muslim countries and multilateral organisations such as
UNHCR. Yet, the issue is still little known and poorly understood. Accurate and objective analyses tend to be drowned out by passionate interventions from activists and others, amplified by the internet.
Since
Burma's independence in 1948, several attempts have been made to define
the status of the Rohingyas, but they have always suffered
discrimination. After 1962, the military government launched a number of
pogroms against them, driving hundreds of thousands into squalid
refugee camps in Bangladesh. Others have fled further afield and eke out
a precarious existence in countries including Malaysia, Thailand,
Pakistan and Saudi Arabia.
On
3 June, communal violence erupted in Rakhine (Arakan) State, on the
northwest coast, where most of Burma's Rohingyas live. The unrest appears to have been sparked by the rape and murder of a Buddhist woman
by three Muslim men in late May, but such was the depth of feeling
already dividing the two communities that it rapidly escalated.
On 10 June, the president declared a state of
emergency. The armed forces were sent in to restore law and order — although it has been claimed that they contributed to the violence.
According to the UN, about 90 people died in the unrest, an estimated
90,000 were displaced and around 5,300 buildings were damaged or
destroyed.
The
Rohingya problem is particularly resistant to a negotiated settlement.
This is despite, or because of, the fact that many in Burma's government
and opposition movement, and most of the population, seem to be in
broad agreement. In their eyes, the Rohingyas are
not entitled to Burmese citizenship and
should be expelled. They also feel that the Rohingyas in refugee camps
in Bangladesh or in exile elsewhere should not be permitted to return
home.
Asked for her views earlier this year, Aung San Suu Kyi was initially equivocal on this issue, prompting rare criticism from international human rights campaigners.
She has since formulated a more nuanced policy position which
emphasises ‘the rule of law’, but continues to shy away from calls for
the Rohingyas to be granted the same legal
rights as other Burmese.
Understandably,
Australia has been cautious about expressing any views on this vexed
question, which touches on aspects of Burma’s history, politics, economy
and culture. Also, like everyone else,
Canberra is keen to avoid saying or doing anything that might slow the
momentum of President Thein Sein’s domestic reform program.
In
June, Bob Carr advised the Burmese government of Australia’s 'strong
concern' at the ethnic and religious violence which had broken out in
Rakhine State, and called upon all parties involved to seek a
negotiated, peaceful outcome that respected all sides.
The ambassador in Rangoon was asked to present Australia’s concerns
directly to the president’s office and relevant government ministers.
Last
month, the Foreign Minister announced that Australia would provide
humanitarian aid for 14,000 people left homeless in Rakhine State by the
recent sectarian
violence. Australia is also working with CARE and other agencies 'to
identify opportunities for ongoing, long-term support … that will help
the victims of violence rebuild their lives, strengthen community
resilience to ethnic conflict and restore peace'.
In
the circumstances, these responses seem measured and sensible.
Australia has expressed its justifiable concerns over the situation in
Rakhine State, called upon all parties to settle their differences and
provided practical assistance to the victims of the violence. It is
worth noting too that,
since 2008, Rohingya refugees in camps in
Bangladesh have been included in Australia's humanitarian immigration
program.
'This
carefully considered position, however, may be threatened by a leaflet
that appears to be circulating in Burma, claiming that the Australian
Prime Minister supports the hard line anti-Muslim stance taken by many
Burmese.
The document in question purports to be a speech made by Julia Gillard,
in which she demands that Muslims in Australia accept the country's
predominantly English-speaking Christian culture, or leave. The 'speech'
seems to have been lifted from the Internet and translated into
Burmese. At least one copy has been found in Rangoon, but it may have
already spread more widely around the country.
The
Rangoon copy was given some credibility by being attached to an article
on Muslim migration to Rakhine State that was being sold through local
bookshops by a member of Burma's Historical
Research Department. In an accompanying commentary, the Prime Minister
was praised as a resolute world leader,
standing up for the rights of Australian citizens in the face of a
Muslim threat. The message to Burmese readers was clear.
This
kind of scurrilous literature has a long history in Burma. The violence
periodically perpetrated against Muslim communities – not just in
Rakhine State but elsewhere in Burma as well – has often been sparked,
or inflamed, by virulent anti-Muslim propaganda. Peddled by hard line
nationalists and religious zealots, such leaflets usually repeat the
canards that local Muslims are disrespecting Burmese women and insulting
Buddhism.
The Gillard 'speech' is obviously
a crude hoax. As with similar reports in the past,
it is unlikely to fool anyone who knows anything about Australia's
government or political culture. Yet, some in Burma may be inclined to
believe it. Quite apart from any lack of familiarity with Australia, the
PM's purported remarks are likely to find a ready audience among those
Burmese who already harbour deep reservations about Muslims in their
country – not least the Rohingyas.
Photo by Flickr user Austcare.
Source: Here
No comments:
Post a Comment