Understanding the Rohingya People: Similarities and differences between Bengalis and the Rohingya people of Arakan

Abid Bahar

Historically speaking, due to its location on a racial faultline, Arakan has remained an epicentre of refugee production in the region until our present time. In understanding these phenomena, for historians in particular, I think several dates are significant in the history of Arakan, beginning from 957 AD, through the 1430, 1660, 1666, 1784, 1824 and 1982. In consideration of the above premise, when I say most of the Rohingyas have historically similar background as was with people of Bengal until the 11th century, I mean several things:

1.    Like in Arakan, Bengal was first Hindu then became Mahayana Buddhist. In Arakan, the Mohanuni statue was by the Mahayana Buddhists of the Chandra time and racially people were 100% of Indo-Aryan stock. “The coins of Wasali had the image of Siva engraved on it.” Arakan was known to Indian missionaries as the “Kalamukha” (land of the dark-skinned people). “The second phase of Indianization of Arakan occurred between the 4th and the 6th century AD, by which time the colonists had established their kingdom, and named their capital Vaishali.” By this time Arakan became a Mahayana Buddhist kingdom. As a port city, Vaishali also developed some pockets of Muslim settlements from Arab and Persian businessman who on their way to the East settled in Arakan and Chittagong. In the process the name Arakandesa, Arakan, Arabic and Desha is Sanskrit became the name of the kingdom. This was Arakan until the middle of the 10th century. What was the language of these people? The language of the Chandras was proto-Chittagonian: Sanskrit, Pali, and Arabic mixed. See the “The Anand Chandra Inscription, which contains 65 verses (71 and a half lines) and now sited at the Shitthaung pagoda, provides some information about these early rulers.  ... This 11-foot high monolith, unique in entire Burma, has three of its four faces inscribed in a Nagari script, which is closely allied to those of Bengali and north-eastern India. There is no trace Burmese or Arakani script on it.

2.    Something happened, historians’ records in 957 AD when Tibeto-Burman people in large numbers entered Arakan and took its control over defeating the Chandra Mahayana and imposing Hinayana Buddhism, the latter adapted from the Mons in the south who in their turn took it from Sri Lanka. Similar changes didn’t happen in Bengal. In Bengal, most Mahayana Buddhist were converted to Islam by Sufi mystics. With the fall of Arakan to the look alike Tibeto-Burmans, the Chandra Indians were either pushed to the north of Arakan or some even left Arakan for Bengal. Around this time, the defeated Chandra Royal family was found to settle in Chittagong proper. The Dev Pahar, named after Dev Chandra was the site of the new Buddhist kingdom. In North Arakan, mostly Chandra Hindus (lower casts also known as the Rakkhas) slowly adapted Islam converted by the already existing Muslims of Arakan and Persian descent and most Buddhist elites joined the Tibeto-Burnan Theraveda group or a defeated small number of Buddhist adopted Islam. Arakan became on one hand Theraveda Buddhist with largely Tibeto Burman stock, later came to be known as the “Mog/ Mug”. Moghs settled in the south and Muslims, Hindus and the other kulas Indian look alike people settled in the north. During the Chandra times and to its end in Arakan, we see the traces of Arabic names such as Rambree, Sufi sites on Myu Mountain tops, and Badre Patis in the Northern part of Arakan. From the 11th century, clearly with the Tibeto-Burman rule, Arakan now began to look east only until the year 1430.

(Continues to part 2).

Source: kaladanpress

William Hague: If reforms continue we are ready to build a new relationship with Burma

William Hague MP is the Foreign Secretary.

I have been a Member of Parliament for 23 years. For the vast majority of that time, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was prisoner in her own home; confined, guarded and separated from her family and the outside world.

Throughout my whole political career she has been a potent symbol of hope and dignity in the face of injustice and oppression, a heroine to me and to countless other people around the world.

In 2010 she was finally freed, amid signs that the situation in Burma was at last changing for the better. Since then some political prisoners have been released, restrictions on the media and political parties have been eased and by-elections will be held in April this year. Aung San Suu Kyi herself has made the courageous decision to engage in political dialogue with a Government descended from the military regime that put her under arrest, and her party will run in the by-elections.

On Thursday I arrived in Burma. Until that point, no British Foreign Secretary had set foot in the country in over 50 years, for good reason.

My visit was made possible by the changes now underway which - although it is only right to view them with caution at this early stage - offer the chance, if they are continued and entrenched, for Burma and her people to escape the tragedy of recent decades.

I went to meet the Government and opposition figures to gauge for myself what is happening on the ground and to encourage further reform. I met the President, Speaker of the Lower House and Foreign Minister, as well as leaders of ethnic groups, former political prisoners, and Aung San Suu Kyi and her Party, the National League for Democracy.

We still have very serious concerns about the human rights situation in Burma. Hundreds of men and women still remain in jail there for their beliefs and must be released. Minorities like the Rohingya in many cases lack basic civil and political rights. The country’s border regions are scarred by conflict and suffering, particularly in Kachin state, where fighting has displaced tens of thousands of people in recent months. The UN urgently needs to be allowed to deliver humanitarian assistance there, the fighting must stop and the Government needs to begin  meaningful political dialogue with ethnic armed groups. And the by-elections in April must be open, credible and fair. I raised these issues with the Burmese leaders I met.

But it is right that we react in good faith to the changes that are taking place.

My message to the Government was that we will respond to measures they take to open up the country.
If real and lasting reform continues, we are ready to offer a new relationship based on friendship and prosperity.

This is the approach that Aung San Suu Kyi herself favours, and which we discussed at length. She believes the President's commitment to reform is sincere and has embarked with him on a dialogue to bring about change. Her commitment to her people is beyond question, and I believe it is right to back her judgement.

Britain is the biggest bilateral aid donor to Burma. During the visit I announced funding for microfinance initiatives to help up to 55,000 more people, and additional support in food, nutrition, shelter, water and sanitation to 13,000 people displaced by conflict in Kachin State, as a sign of our commitment to the people of Burma.

The hours I spent with Aung San Suu Kyi at her home, where she spent some of her most difficult years, and at the British Embassy in Rangoon were memorable and inspiring. I gave her a letter from Prime Minister David Cameron, a copy of my biography of William Wilberforce and a photograph taken in London of her father, Burma’s independence leader, who was later tragically assassinated.

We spoke about her hopes for the future of country. I was struck by her self-discipline and profound sense of duty. As she put it to me, the key to Burma's future lay in two words: hard work. She had a clear message for the people of Britain: the people of Burma valued our friendship and knew they could count on our continued support.

Burma’s struggle for freedom and democracy has been long and it still continues. Its people have suffered grievously. In Aung San Suu Kyi's own words: “The quest for democracy in Burma is the struggle of a people to live whole, meaningful lives as free and equal members of the world community”. Today, if these reforms continue, the people of Burma and its friends overseas can finally dare to hope that her vision may become a reality. Burma is a beautiful country with a remarkable people and enormous economic and social potential. Our Government will use Britain’s diplomatic support and development assistance in every way we can to help bring this about.

Source: Here

Foreign Secretary remarks at his press conference in Burma

06 January 2012

Foreign Secretary William Hague concludes first visit to Burma by a UK Foreign Secretary in over 50 years.

At a press conference in Rangoon today, marking the end of his visit to Burma, the Foreign Secretary said:

"I am delighted to be here, making the first visit by a British Foreign Secretary in 56 years.
It has been made possible by the initial steps taken by President Thein Sein, including the release of over 250 political prisoners, the easing of restrictions on the media and political parties and dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD.

My visit is a gesture of good intent on the part of the United Kingdom in the light of these changes. I have come to hear directly from the country’s leaders what they plan to do to continue progress, and to speak to opposition figures and members of civil society about British support for their endeavours.

My message is that if the country continues on this promising path, as we hope it will, we are ready to offer a new relationship based on friendship and prosperity.

I have held meetings with the President,  the Foreign Secretary, and the Speaker of the Lower House, and I met representatives from ethnic groups. It was a particular honour for me, last night and this morning, to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and representatives of her Party. She embodies the long struggle for democracy in this country and is an inspiration to me and to countless people around the world.

In my meetings with her and with the Government I discussed the many bold steps that still need to be taken.

First, there are hundreds of men and women still remaining in jail here for their beliefs. This has no place in any democracy, and it has no place in the future of this country. I was encouraged to hear that the Government plans to release remaining political prisoners. But more ambitious action will be needed and we look to them rapidly to honour this commitment.

Second, it is vital that the by-elections on 1st April are credible, free and fair and enable all parties to compete. We welcome the NLD’s courageous decision to participate in these elections, and the world will watch these elections closely.

Third, for too long this country’s border regions have been scarred by conflict and suffering, particularly in Kachin state, where fighting has displaced tens of thousands of people in recent months. These is an urgent need for the UN to be allowed to deliver humanitarian assistance independently and with access to all areas, for an end to offensive operations in Kachin State, and for meaningful political dialogue with ethnic armed groups. I encourage all sides today to seize this moment of change, to agree to a formal cessation of hostilities and uphold international law, and to begin serious political dialogue as part of a national reconciliation process.

These are indispensable steps for confidence in the country’s development and they are achievable in the near future.

As I heard yesterday from ethnic minority representatives, reconciliation is the most important challenge facing this country. Achieving a durable and equitable peace will be complex. But it is essential to meet the aspirations and rights of all the citizens of this diverse country. Sustainable peace must be built on trust and dialogue between all groups, to provide a solid foundation for economic and political progress.

This must include addressing the human rights violations which are a stain on the progress elsewhere in the country. I also raised with the government our concerns about the discrimination faced by the Rohingya minority, who in many cases lack basic civil and political rights. In all these areas I hope that the new National Human Rights Commission can demonstrate that it is a truly independent, impartial and effective body.
The British Government and the British people have a strong commitment to the people of this country, as we have shown by our staunch support for democracy here over many years.

We are ready to move towards a strong, positive and open relationship as reforms take place, and to respond bilaterally and through the EU. We will judge progress by actions and events and will respond in good faith to measures as they are taken.

We are already the biggest bilateral aid donor, with £185 million committed for the next four years. I have announced on this visit that UK funding for microfinance initiatives will assist up to 55,000 more people in rural areas to access loans to assist them in establishing and developing small-scale enterprises and build better futures for themselves, their families and their communities. We will also provide additional support for peacebuilding efforts in Kachin State and for 13,000 people displaced by conflict there, particularly women and children, to include food, nutrition, shelter, water and sanitation.

Two days ago, this country celebrated its independence day, marking 64 years since independence from British rule in 1948. Today it may again stand on the edge of a new era. As we enter 2012 it is my hope that this year will also be come to be seen as a new dawn in the history of this nation."

Further information

Foreign Secretary chooses Burma as his first destination for 2012

Follow Foreign Secretary William Hague's visit to Burma on Storify

British Embassy in Rangoon

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British Embassy in Rangoon

Burma: The Tragedy of the Rohingya People

By Palash R. Ghosh:

January 6, 2012 11:33 AM EST

As Myanmar (or Burma) gradually opens up to Western nations after a half-century of isolation, observers are wondering how far the Burmese government will actually go into enacting democratic reforms.

 

(Photo: Reuters) Rohingya refugee child in Malaysia

Having elected a (nominally) civilian government last year, the new president of Burma, Thein Sein, has promised a series of liberalizing measures, including the legalization of trade unions, the release of (some) political prisoners, as well as “fair and free” elections. He has even opened up talks with pro-democracy activist and opposition figure, Aung San Suu Kyi.

However, given the still-heavy presence of military figures in the “civilian” government, there are doubts that Burma will reform at all.

In addition, Burma has one of the worst human rights records of any nation on earth. The military-led abuse and mistreatment of its ethnic minorities remains a sordid, black mark on the country’s psyche. 


Among the victims of this state-sanctioned oppression are the Rohingya people, an ethnic Muslim group that has long suffered in Buddhist-dominated Burma.

About 2-million Ronhingya live in the northwestern parts of Burma, near the Bangladesh border.

Hundreds of thousands of Burmese Ronhingya are currently living in neighboring Bangladesh, where they are unwanted refugees. But lacking Burmese citizenship, they are essentially stateless and existing in a kind of limbo.

Late last month, Agence France Presse (AFP) reported that the Burmese government agreed to take back some refugees from Bangladesh – excluding Rohingya.

According to the United Nations, the Rohingya who live in Burma don’t have it much better – they are forbidden from owning property, marrying or even travelling without state permission. Many are subject to forced slave labor and extortion by authorities.

Mizzima, the India-based Burmese news agency reported a few years ago that Rohingya women in Burma are frequently subject to sexual abuse and rape by Burmese soldiers. Reportedly, Burma’s military continues to commit atrocities against the civilian Rohingya population.

As such, desperate Rohingya pour across the borders into Bangladesh every year – although they are Muslims like the overwhelming majority of Bangladeshis, the Rohingya are despised and rejected there as well. Bangladesh, already impoverished and overpopulated, simply cannot cope with the influx.

Mojibar Rahman, a Rohingya refugee living in a United Nations camps in Bangladesh, told AFP: "We thought that after the election [of a civilian government in Burma], the situation would improve for Rohingya in Myanmar, but it hasn't… no one wants to go back.”

Indeed, Rohingyas are trapped in a hopeless Catch-22… unwanted in Bangladesh, rejected by Burma since they lack Burmese citizenship.
 
Some Rohingya refugees have made it as far as Malaysia I the east or the Arab countries towards the west. Many are also in Thailand. But wherever they are, Rohinya remain vulnerable.

Refugees International has reported that “in both Bangladesh and Malaysia, repressive government policies and lack of adequate international support force the Rohingya to struggle for survival in both countries. The inability of the Rohingya to access basic services in both Bangladesh and Malaysia is further compounding their vulnerability.”

An elder Rohingya refugee living in a camp in Kutupalong, Bangladesh, told BBC: "We have nothing in Burma. We are disabled people, like slaves. We cannot work because our hands and feet are cut off. If we don't permission to travel we are sent to jail. We are really like slaves there.”

A younger Rohingya at the same camp lamented: "If I stay in Bangladesh, what will I do? Even if I build a house here people will treat me as Burmese... this is a hated word. I have a ray of hope in my heart that one day there will be peace in Burma and my people will get back all their lives."

Panchali Saikia, a research officer at the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies in India, recently wrote of the Ronhingya: “After providing shelter to the Rohingyas for nearly three decades, Bangladesh is now concerned about the annual increase in their numbers. Apart from being an economic burden, the Rohingyas’ involvement in insurgent activities along the Myanmar-Bangladesh border is feared by the government. Hence to reduce the influx, the government has declared that it will no more consider any asylum seeker as refugee.”

She further stated: “Anti-Rohingya communities in Bangladesh have also pressurized the government to repatriate the Rohingyas. Due to the denial of protection, assistance, and fear of repatriation, the Rohingyas are now escaping to Malaysia through the sea route. Malaysia is seen as the best destination because of the religion factor. Also, the Malaysian government’s permit to access the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has attracted asylum seekers.”

Saikia added: “The plight of the Rohingyas and the growing concern over their influx is not only confined to Myanmar, Bangladesh and Thailand. Other regional powers like India, Indonesia and Malaysia must also engage themselves considering its security implications. The forcible push-backs are a major threat to the maritime as well as border security of these countries. Left with no other option, the Rohingyas are vulnerable to being recruited by sea pirates and involved in arms and drug smuggling.”

Now, as Burma appears to be opening up to western nations, it will be interesting to see how its human rights abuses – and the plight of the Rohingya – will be assessed and handled.

To report problems or to leave feedback about this article, e-mail: p.ghosh@ibtimes.com
To contact the editor, e-mail: editor@ibtimes.com

Source: International Business Times

Rohingya Representatives meet British Foreign Secretary

Friday, 06 January 2012 13:4

Chittagong, Bangladesh: Rohingya with other – Chin, Kachin, Shan, Kayah and Mon - ethnic groups’ representatives met British Foreign Secretary William Hague at the residence of the British ambassador in Rangoon yesterday at 5pm- 6pm, according to a source from Rangoon and BBC Burmese.

      British Foreign Minister with Rohingya and other ethnic representatives

“The Rohingya political party leaders from the 1990 general election and the 2010 general election who attended the meeting are; - Master Yunus from National Democratic Party for Human Rights(NDPHR) and Abu Taher from  National Democratic party for Development (NDPD).”

“Abu Taher highlighted the situation on Rohingya people of Arakan who are facing recently on – force labors, extortion, health, education, movement restriction, marriage restriction, religious persecution, unprecedented taxation, arbitrarily arrest and land confiscation- with recent report and appeal letter of NDPD to Burmese government which mention to find a solution about Rohingya issue of Arakan,” according to a Rohingya elite from Rangoon.

Abu Taher is Central Executive member, Head of Political Bureau and Research and development. He won from People’s Parliament, Buthidaung Township in 2010 election. But, Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) forcedly denounced his victor, according to NDPD press released and case file against Shwe Maung of USDP.

NDPD complained to Township Election Commission, the votes were recounted by the Commission where Abu Taher (NDPD) got 56,882 votes and Shwe Maung (USDP) got 53,702 votes, according to election watch in Buthidaung report.

Master Yunus is CEC of NDPHR – 4 seats winner of 1990 general election from Maungdaw and Buthidaung - mentioned about Rohingya citizenship rights – the historical facts - in Burma which still the Burmese government not clearly mention on it. 

British Foreign Secretary William Hague arrived in Nay Pyi Taw yesterday on an official visit to Burma to observe the latest development of the country, according to official sources. “It is the first visit by a British foreign secretary to Myanmar since 1955.”

  British Foreign Minister with Rohingya and other ethnic representatives

“The visiting Burma was my first destination for 2012, to meet the President, senior ministers and ethnic minority leaders,” according to British Foreign Secretary William Hague’s statement in his face book.

"I am visiting the country to encourage the Burmese government to continue on its path of reform, and to gauge what more Britain can do to support this process,” according to  British  Foreign & Commonwealth website.

"Further steps are needed that will have a lasting impact on human rights and political freedom in Burma. In particular, we hope to see the release of all remaining political prisoners, free and fair by-elections, and humanitarian access to people in conflict areas, and credible steps towards national reconciliation." 

The Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) and Rohingya people would like to express our gratitude tothe British Foreign Secretary for his meeting with ethnic representative groups, including Rohingyas, during his visit to Burma. We are very delighted to see his encouragement to U Thein Sein regime to bring genuine change, long-lasting peace, freedom and protection of human rights for all the people of Burma, according to Maung Tun Khin, the president, the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK).

The ‘systematic racism’ against Rohingya has been institutionalized; and religious persecution against non-Buddhist people, especially Muslims and Christians, has increased. The credibility of U Thein Sein regime’s promise of reform is now seriously questioned. However, we are in high spirit to see that the Foreign Secretary has cautiously welcomed the promises of political reform in Burma saying ‘the military junta will be judged by its actions rather than its words’, the BROUK statement said

Source: Kaladan Press Network

Human Rights Advocacy Concerns Over Human Right Violations Against Rohingya in Burma

Diplomats and advocacy groups reaching out to the international community through the media.

State College, Pennsylvania, USA. 

Ambassador Prof. Dr. Akbar Ahmed calls on U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton “Madam Secretary, Please Don’t Forget the Rohingya”. The resounding calls are coming from dignitaries, diplomats, legislators, government officials, human right advocates, and many other dignified individuals in Washington, New York, and many other cities in the world, in various forms. Despite the inaccessibility of the Northern Arakan State by the international media or monitors, the bits and pieces of reports coming out of Northern Arakan is so alarming that the international community could not remain silent. Regardless of the mission and station of the international organizations, they have one unified voice on Rohingya – human right violations in historic proportions.

The United Nations (Special Rapporteur on Human Rights), the Irish Center for Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, Physicians for Human Rights, Amnesty International, Refugees International, U.S. Campaign for Burma, Medecin Sans Frontieres, The Arakan Project, Open Society Foundation, National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (The Human Rights Documentation Unit), and many other organizations have expressed serious concerns over gross human right violations against Rohingya by the Burmese military and Nasaka forces (secret police named as Border Security Force). Some of them have openly demanded the Burmese military to end all the violations and restore the citizenship and all their rights. 

Harrison Akins, a researcher in the team of Ambassador Prof. Dr. Akbar Ahmed, at the American University at Washington, D.C., on a project on indigenous Rohingya ethnic minority in Burma. 

Ambassador Prof. Dr. Akbar Ahmed of the American University at Washington, D.C., and Prof. Dr. Wakar Uddin, the Director General of Arakan Rohingya Union 

Most recently, Ambassador Prof. Dr. Akbar Ahmed of the American University has spoken out about the rapidly deteriorating conditions in Arakan and Rohingya refugee camps. His recent article “Little help for the persecuted Rohingya of Burma” in The Guardian newspaper in London was another reminder about the plights of Rohingya in Burma. Dr. Ahmed quotes BBC on Rohingya "one of the world's most persecuted minority groups" in his article and provided a historical perspective dating back the ethnic lineage of Rohingya in Arakan to many centuries. 

Dr. Ahmed’s article  effectively addressed the root cause of the Rohingya ethnic cleansing dating back to 1962 during the reign of former dictator General Ne Win that began with his policy of "Burmanization", based on the ultra-nationalist ideology of racial "purity”. In discussion with Dr. Wakar Uddin about the human right violations against Rohingya by the Burmese military, such as its refusal to restore citizenship, travel restriction, ban on marriages, land confiscation, denial of education, denial of permission to renovate the places of worship, Dr. Ahmed simply replied “it is humanly unthinkable”. In parallel with several human rights analysts, Dr. Ahmed expressed his views of the Rohingya forced labor in Burma as modern-day slavery, forcing Rohingya to work on infrastructure projects which include constructing "model villages" to house the Burmese settlers that were brought in from mainland Burma intended to displace the Rohingya villagers. Dr. Ahmed also gently reminded the international community the dilemma of 35,000 registered Rohingya refugees and another estimated 250,000 unregistered in Bangladesh, while the gradual flow of refugees heading to Malaysia in rickety boats through the sea continues.

Dr. Ahmed is currently writing a volume dedicated to Rohingya human rights and political issues for the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. 

 

Source: The Secretariat, Arakan Rohingya Union

USCIRF Letter to Secretary Clinton regarding Burma

November 28, 2011 | by USCIRF
The Honorable Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
Washington, DC

Dear Madam Secretary:

As you prepare to travel to Burma, I am writing on behalf of the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) to urge you to raise concerns about freedom of religion publically during your trip. Religion drives serious human rights abuses in Burma, particularly against ethnic minorities and Buddhist monks who participated in peaceful protests in 2007. We believe improvements in religious freedom should be a critical benchmark for gauging the government of Burma’s commitment to genuine reform.

After almost fifty years of brutal military rule, there may be “flickers of progress” occurring in Burma, as President Obama recently stated. We commend the administration for sending you to assess the government’s commitment to reform. We note, however, that serious human rights violations continue to occur daily in Burma and any recent positive steps can easily be reversed. We hope you will maintain pressure on the regime to match its reformist rhetoric with concrete initiatives to release all political prisoners, call an immediate ceasefire in ethnic conflict areas, end attacks and discrimination against minority religious groups, and improve religious freedom and related human rights.

The Burmese government’s actions thus far have not improved religious freedom conditions, which remain acute. Since 1999, Burma has been designated as a Country of Particularly Concern (CPC) for particularly severe religious freedom abuses. Burma’s military continues its brutal attacks on Christian churches in Chin minority areas in Kachin State, as it also has in Karen, Karenni, and Naga areas. Rohingya Muslims continue to face severe discrimination and restrictions on their religious activity, causing large refugee problems in Bangladesh and elsewhere in Southeast Asia. Hundreds of Buddhist monks, such as U Gambira, continue to serve long sentences. In addition to raising these concerns with Burma’s government, we encourage you to discuss religious freedom issues during meetings with representatives of Buddhist, Christian, and Muslim communities.

We believe it would be premature to consider lifting existing economic or political sanctions, like the CPC designation, until there is concrete and verifiable progress on the benchmarks cited above.  However, if Burma pursues genuine reform, then the international community should respond proportionately and positively. We urge you to coordinate diplomatic actions with allies such as India, Japan, Thailand, and any ASEAN nation interested in religious freedom, democracy, and the rule of law in Burma.

We hope your mission to Burma is successful and would welcome the opportunity to discuss religious freedom concerns in Burma with you upon your return. We have included the USCIRF 2011 Annual Report chapter on Burma for your reference.  

Sincerely,

Leonard Leo
Chair

cc: Michael Posner, Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
      Suzan Johnson-Cook, Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom
      Derek Mitchell, Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma


To interview a USCIRF Commissioner, contact Tom Carter, Communications Director at tcarter@uscirf.gov or (202) 523-3257.